But I must say I am intrigued to find how often recent pieces on basic income are framing it first and most of all as the solution to the problem of "structural unemployment" caused by automation. Such discussions seem to regard unemployment as a logical effect of technological development rather than resulting from plutocratic attacks on and circumventions of organized labor which would ensure a more equitable distribution of productivity gains from automation. And so we have basic income proposed as a pretext for welfare dismantlement and as a panacea for unemployment as unions are busted? I am starting to think that there is a neoliberalization of basic income advocacy taking place that qualifies my initial thrill discovering this pet topic's recent and unexpected new prominence.
From Thomas Paine to Martin Luther King, Jr., to Erik Olin Wright, basic income has been proposed as a direct solution to the scourge of poverty. There is no question that a basic income guarantee together with single payer healthcare, nutritional assistance, free public education, public housing programs, equal recourse to law and franchise and office-holding, freedom of expression and public assembly, and accountable administration of commons for the public good would provide the abiding substance and occasion for radical democratization.
But it would seem that basic income can be proposed either in the service of emancipatory equity-in-diversity or as a plutocratic ploy. If so, it is obviously important to pay attention to the assumptions and aspirations driving its various advocates. To hear that someone supports basic income is not yet enough to know they support what you mean by basic income or to accept them as an ally.
It is too easy for glib celebrations of basic income in the abstract to function as distractions from urgent, ongoing, and ever-more-successful struggles organizing workers in fast food, health care, education, and service sectors and in raising the minimum wage to approach a living wage. Just as some mouthpieces for Republican politics would evade association with the ugly racism of the contemporary GOP by declaring themselves civil libertarians (a masquerade enabled by those who know better and yet do not call states rights "minarchists" on the history of racist dog whistling in such positions) I wonder if basic income advocacy on the right will likewise work to conceal a host of plutocratic commitments.
Ask right-wing advocates of basic income whether a person who has already spent their basic income but who suddenly confronts the prohibitive costs of a medical emergency or the need for legal representation has a right to that healthcare or that lawyer even if they cannot afford the expense? If the answer is yes, then we're back to the mainstream legible social democratic discourse in which basic income supplements rather than replaces general welfare; and if the answer is no, we're inevitably back to the war of all against all in which the unworthy poor pay for their misfortunes with their lives or their freedom. Free To Lose, er, Choose, amirite?
Right-wing forms of "basic" income advocacy reduce all too readily to visions of bare life without the rights, standards, and supports to ensure an actually legible scene of consent to the terms of everyday relations for the majority of the people. Game the minimum "sufficient" basic income into a state of near-precarity without recourse to any other pillars of equity-in-diversity and you've peddled feudalism as a universally emancipatory scheme -- in the drearily predictable right-wing manner.
It is necessary to emphasize how obvious are the fingerprints of the right in such basic income state-dismantlement assumptions, aspirations, rhetorics, schemes. Because it is also becoming more and more conspicuous how many recent converts to basic income advocacy seem to want to advocate it as a technocratic technofix "beyond the politics of left and right." It is important to grasp first of all that no technique is politically neutral, that every artifact mediates social relations, that the funding, testing, publication, regulation, application of technique is ineradicably political and that the costs, risks, and benefits of technoscientific change are as diverse as the diversity of their stakeholders. This means that it is always only in the political distribution of these costs, risks, and benefits that we determine the progressive or emancipatory force of technoscientific change, not by reading technical specifications or, worse, advertorial corporate-military press releases and pop-tech gossip column journalism. The denial or pretended overcoming of these political realities does not eliminate them but merely renders them opaque to scrutiny and criticism. This is a gesture that inevitably conduces to the benefit of elite incumbents already empowered by and in the status quo. That is to say, the stance of a-politicism or anti-politicism is profoundly political in fact, and the politics it supports are right-wing politics most of all.
It is no wonder, then, that right-wing politics from mid-century fascism to late-century market fundamentalism often actively promoted itself with slogans promising to be "beyond left and right" or "a new beginning overcoming left/right categories" or "a third way." Every single person who declares themselves to be "beyond left and right" is either a secret shill for the right or a perfect dupe for the right. It is no surprise that the tech-talkers of predatory venture capitalism and tech-hype marketeers of stale crap as worldshattering novelties accept so many of the assumptions and aspirations of market fundamentalist corporate-militarism including the slogan of offering "design solutions" and "technofixes" beyond politics -- and that these reactionaries throng the chat rooms and conferences of recent basic income advocacy.
See also p2p Is EITHER Pay-to-Peer or Peers-to-Precarity.